FROM REALISM TO REGIME CHANGE: QUESTIONING RICHARD HAASS

Richard Haass, the President of the Council on Foreign Relations, has attracted considerable notice with an opinion piece out now in Newsweek arguing that “the United States, European governments, and others should shift their Iran policy toward increasing the prospects for political change” in the Islamic Republic–in sum, that the United States and its international partners should adopt regime change in Tehran as the explicit goal of their Iran policy.  For someone who has for a long time been identified as a prominent advocate of foreign policy realism, this is a remarkable statement to say the least.

In the interest of full disclosure, we should state up front that both of us have known Richard Haass for many years.  Both of us worked for him during his tenure as the State Department’s Director of Policy Planning.  Moreover, Richard was Flynt’s best man at our wedding seven years ago.  However, it should come as no surprise to our readers when we say that we disagree profoundly with Richard’s Newsweek piece–both in its assessment of Iranian domestic politics and its prescription for America’s Iran policy. 

Rather than offer our own detailed rejoinder, we are pleased to present the following post by Henry Precht, published here with his permission.  Henry occupies a unique position in the circle of those concerned about the historical evolution and current trajectory of U.S. policy toward Iran and the Middle East more generally.  Henry was involved with the Middle East for most of his diplomatic career, serving in Tehran (1972-1976) and having charge of the State Department’s Iran desk during the revolution and hostage crisis.  Blamed for the “loss” of Iran, he was blocked from an ambassadorial appointment by the late Senator Jesse Helms.  He is the author of A Diplomat’s Progress:  Ten Tales of Diplomatic Adventure in the Middle East. 

We are grateful to Henry for letting us publish his analysis of Richard Haass’s Newsweek article.  We will offer our own post shortly looking strategically at what we see as the folly of adopting regime change as the explicit goal of America’s Iran policy.

Flynt and Hillary Leverett     

From Henry Prect:  Realism about American policy towards Iran ought to start with some awareness of the historical context.  Two facts are paramount: First, the Iranian Revolution was, in good part, about gaining independence from foreign powers (i.e., the US and Britain).  When Khamenei & Co. blame outsiders for the recent troubles they are undoubtedly speaking from a sincere (if mistaken) perspective and appealing to a fundamental tenet held by most Iranians (if not by those in exile).  Second, American efforts over the years to influence Iran’s politics have almost always ended unhappily, reinforcing the fear and hatred of the “foreign hand.”  Yes, there have been exceptions:  the schools set up by missionaries (which didn’t have a primary political purpose) and the aid programs of the 1950s and 1960s (which did have liberalization in mind).  But the negative moments have been more salient — Mossadeq and subsequent efforts to strengthen the Shah, Nixon/Kissinger excluding the Iranian people from their calculations, the assistance to Iraq during the 8-year war.  Those are the episodes that define America’s role for many Iranians.

Arch realist Richard Haass is convinced the June election was fraudulent, that Iran is determined to build a nuclear weapon and that the regime’s opposition is close to making a second revolution.  More modest realists might ask to see the evidence.  They might inquire about the views of those folks who haven’t marched or gone on strike.  They might speculate whether the Iranian regime is capable of reaching a compromise with its opponents, whether some give and take on both sides will not be necessary if Iran is to enjoy domestic peace.  A modest and historically informed realist might think that one of the factors holding back a significant move towards compromise by the regime could be the feared perception that they were doing the bidding of foreigners or acting under their pressure. 

Khamenei’s tentative gestures towards Moussavi should be given a chance to develop a bit, free of outside “help.”  What Iran and the US need, I suggest, is a period of quiet, an absence of threats and artfully designed (and foolish) sanctions.  Let Iran get on with resolving its tough political dilemma alone and uninterrupted.  If Mr. Haass needs an outlet for his new and creative realism, he might look elsewhere in the region for countries which have nukes, oppress people or reject their right to elections, break international law and disregard the views of Washington.  Complex and creative sanctions would not be necessary; imagination could be limited to limiting aid.

Henry Precht, Bethesda, Maryland

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Turkey Asks For Some Respect

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In the aftermath of the latest diplomatic row between Turkey and Israel, Ankara’s Deputy Chairman of External Affairs Suat Kiniklioglu penned an op-ed in Friday’s New York Times that asks for the United States, Europe, and Israel to acknowledge Turkey’s role as an ascending regional power and begin to treat it as such.

He says

I remember vividly the days when the United States criticized Turkey for engaging with Syria at a time when Washington and the Europeans were trying to isolate Syria. Today we see a full reversal of U.S. and European policies. Both now recognize that engaging with Syria is the right course of action.

Then, Turkey’s views on the Middle East were shunned and disregarded. The Americans began to revise their position in 2007 and recognized that Turkey is a regional power and no longer the satellite state of the Cold War years. They understood that Turkey needed to be treated accordingly. It took a bit of time and effort to facilitate that mental shift, but President Barack Obama’s early visit to Turkey was a confirmation of that perception.

The Europeans still have a hard time making the mental shift concerning Turkey, which is why our relations remain fragile. Israel appears to be in the same position. It also does not seem to have fully accepted that Turkey has changed and that Turkey’s reentry into the Middle East is permanent.

And here is the snippet most relevant to the “Race for Iran”:

Our regional policy seeks to reintegrate Turkey into its immediate neighborhood, including the Middle East. Turkey is a member of the G-20, a current member of the U.N. Security Council, negotiating with the European Union and increasingly influential in various regions.

Turkey will continue to advocate a new inclusive order in the region and will seek diplomatic means to further this agenda.

Thought Kiniklioglu doesn’t articulate it directly in this piece, part of Turkey’s regional strategy is to develop cooperative diplomatic and economic relations with Iran as a way to promote regional prosperity and stability. For Turkey, the strategic logic of cooperating with its energy-rich neighbor is indisputable and lays bare the futility of trying to “isolate” Iran.

As Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann Leverett explained on this blog last week, the trend lines in the energy sector indicate that Iran’s neighbors will be compelled to further integrate Iran into the regional energy equation.

– Ben Katcher

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GIVING “ENGAGEMENT” A BAD NAME: OBAMA’S IRAN POLICY AT ONE YEAR

The first anniversary of Barack Obama’s inauguration as President of the United States came this week. The sharpest criticism of Obama’s first-year record on domestic and economic affairs came from the Nobel prize-winning economist, New York Times columnist, and Princeton professor Paul Krugman. This line from Krugman encapsulates the concern many of us have:

I’m pretty close to giving up on Mr. Obama, who seems determined to confirm every doubt that I and others ever had about whether he was ready to fight for what his supporters believed in.

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What Comes After Sanctions?

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President Barack Obama meets in the Situation Room of the White House on Oct. 5, 2009, with Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs William Burns, third from left, and other advisors who had returned from talks with Iran officials in Geneva.

The AFP is quoting a “high-ranking European official” as saying that he or she expects China to drop its opposition to new sanctions for fear of isolation. Only time will tell whether that is the case.

But even if the P5+1 does arrive at an agreement on sanctions, the question becomes, “then what?” It is not clear what the United States and its P5+1 partners anticipate will happen as a result of sanctions. Revolution? Capitulation on the nuclear issue? Both seem unlikely and unsound bases for policy making.

As The Washington Note’s Steve Clemons has argued

The sanctions path on trying to influence Iran’s behavior has more to do with providing a focus for American frustration and emotion than achieving a successful course correction with Iran. Neither the bill that House Foreign Affairs Chairman Howard Berman has been pushing in Congress nor a more watered down sanctions effort from the United Nations Security Council will influence Iran’s calculations at this point.

– Ben Katcher

 

“NARROW STRIPES OF RATIONALITY” ON THE NUCLEAR ISSUE?

Not surprisingly, Saturday’s meeting of representatives from the P-5+1 countries reached no agreement about further sanctions against the Islamic Republic over its nuclear activities; as we pointed out in a post on January 14, China’s Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, He Yafei, who has been representing his country in the P-5+1 political directors’ meetings, declined to attend the January 14 session in New York. (This was the second month in a row that Beijing declined to send a senior Chinese official to attend a P-5+1 meeting to discuss new sanctions against Iran.) Instead, China’s Mission to the United Nations sent a lower-level official in his stead—and this official made clear that Beijing continues to oppose further sanctions.

The failure of the P-5+1 to agree on new sanctions against the Islamic Republic prompted Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki to say, during a press conference in Tehran on Monday, that “we now observe narrow stripes of rationality” in the Western approach to the nuclear issue. While we hope that Foreign Minister Mottaki’s detection of “narrow stripes of rationality” in the Western approach to the nuclear issue is correct, we see no concrete signs that the Obama Administration is prepared to take a more realistic approach to nuclear diplomacy with Iran.

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